Ricardo Chavira Chicano

We Were Always Here: A Mexicn American's Odyssey

Category: Latino Books

  • We’ve Been Here Before

    My book has an exceptionally relevant chapter.   For context, the excerpt below is based on my visit to Panama less than a year after Operation Just Cause.

    Ten months after the invasion, I went to Panama to report on the aftermath and get to the bottom of what really had happened when the American military might came crashing down on a miniature nation. The mood in Panama City was uncharacteristically somber when I arrived on November 15, 1990. Burned-out and heavily damaged buildings stood as grim reminders of the invasion. I found widespread discontent with the Endara government. It was grappling with the daunting task of strengthening an economy debilitated by years of corrupt governance and the substantial damage Operation Just Cause had left in its wake.

    “The only thing that changed is that some of my neighbors are dead,” said Francisco Torres, a janitor and El Chorrillo resident. The impoverished district in central Panama City was heavily damaged during the invasion. “When the Americans attacked, it felt like the world was ending—explosions and fire everywhere. Thank God we weren’t hurt, but a lot of people were killed. This government does not talk about that,” said Torres. “For the poor like us, life has always been hard. Honestly, I don’t have much hope that things will change.”

    Administration officials I interviewed before traveling to Panama described the portly Endara as well-meaning but not particularly well-suited to transform the nation into a stable democracy. I was left with the impression that Endara’s rapid and unconventional installation was yet another Washington misstep.

     The city of Colón was emblematic of the country’s woes. Once a prosperous port of call for cruise ships, Panama’s second-largest city had become a collection of rotting tenements, beset by an unemployment rate of some 30 percent, rampant drug use, and violent crime. I met with Father Carlos Aziz, Colón’s bishop. When I told him I wished to take a walking tour, he warned against it: “You will be beaten and robbed, for sure.” I had parked two blocks from his church, but he urged me to move my car onto the church grounds so it would not be stolen. I told Aziz that when I visited Colón in 1984, there was no danger in walking the city streets. “We had Noriega’s people to keep some order. That is gone now.”

    During my five days in Panama in 1990, I tried to pin down the number of dead and wounded caused by the invasion. I arrived with a variety of estimates in hand. The US Army initially said 516 Panamanians had been killed, but an internal study concluded that the actual figure was more likely about 1,000. Depending on the source, somewhere between 300 and 3,000 were killed. Twenty-four American soldiers were killed. In Colón, according to Aziz and several residents with whom I spoke, more than 80 were killed. Some died in an apartment building that was hit by helicopter rocket fire. The building had a huge gaping hole.

    Aziz said locals were trying to put the horrors of the invasion behind them. At the same time, they were looking to the government for economic help and job creation. “We thought maybe this government would remember us,” said Aziz. “Instead, the government says it has no way to help.”

    At the time, the United States had provided Panama with $130 million off arrears on its $5 billion foreign debt. An additional $70 million in direct aid was received. “What we’re giving them is not even equal to direct damages caused by the invasion,” former ambassador Ambler Moss told me.

    Dependent on imported oil, Panama faced a global surge in petroleum prices. In the coming year, the nation would face nearly a doubling of petroleum prices, from $20.20 in 1990 to $38.28 per barrel in 1991. “The economy is strangled,” said comptroller Rubén Carles.

    Operation Just Cause was officially meant to deal a blow to drug trafficking; instead, the flow of drugs continued under Endara.

     Since the start of the Endara administration, more than 13,000 pounds of cocaine—worth $153 million wholesale—had been seized. “One can only surmise that if this much is being seized, a lot more is moving,” said Deane Hinton, the US ambassador to Panama, when I was there. Money laundering, which supported the drug trafficking, continued unabated.

    However, Endara resisted any move to make banking in Panama more transparent. American officials sought access to accounts they suspected were linked to criminal activity. But Endara’s associates claimed that it would destroy the nation’s banking industry. And he also reimposed the oligarchic practice of handing out jobs to family members and cronies, all of whom were white. Rabiblancos, the wealthy white elite, would once again run the country, as it was during the pre-Torrijos years. Despite their grave faults, Torrijos and Noriega had revolutionized the country by giving jobs to blacks and mixed-race Panamanians.

    As for Noriega, he would serve time in American, French, and Panamanian prisons. The ex-dictator was to live the rest of his life in prison. His term ended, however, after surgery for a brain tumor, when he died on May 29, 2017, at the age of eighty-three.

    Contemporary Panama is on a much more solid economic footing than it was in 1990. The nation’s annual economic growth rate is among the highest in the world. Panamanians are the second-richest Latin Americans, and the Panama Canal generates approximately $2 billion in yearly revenue. However, strong economic performance has not translated into broadly shared prosperity, as Panama has the second-worst income distribution in Latin America, according to the CIA’s World Factbook. And Panama is still plagued by corruption. The Panama Papers scandal in 2016 proved that Panama’s leaders were content to have the nation used as a giant tax haven and money-laundering center. The 2015 release of more than 11 million files from the Panamanian firm Mossack Fonseca exposed a complex web of tax shelters and money laundering.

    Operation Just Cause had targeted money laundering, but over the years, the shady industry came to flourish once again. In an ironic twist, the candidate of the Democratic Revolutionary Party, the party Torrijos had founded, and Noriega later controlled, was elected president in May 2019. The party is reported to have re-made itself into an honest and truly democratic party. In taking office in July 2019, President Laurentino Cortizo vowed to root out corruption and tackle income inequality.

  • Undocumented Migrants in the early 1970s Press

    This information was mostly lifted from my 1971 master’s thesis.

    For more than 40 years, undocumented migrants have been stealing jobs and helping create a trade deficit with Mexico.

    The Los Angeles Times brought this to our attention in 1971 when an undocumented migrant was discovered working as a gardener at President Nixon’s Western White House.

     The Times’ alarming story told readers, “The disclosure dramatizes not only the problem of security for President Nixon but also the substantial increase in the number of aliens illegally entering this country in recent months.”

    Who knew that a single gardener presented a presidential security problem?

    In the same story, it was reported that the American Federation of

    Government Employees estimated that there were between 1. 5 and

    2 million “illegals in the United States who cost the country

    “billions of dollars to send them back.

     Furthermore, these “illegals drain the nation’s finances by sending at least $500 million a year to their native countries, thus creating huge balance of payments deficits.’ Maybe a tariff was needed?

    The supposedly liberal Times was on to a good story, editors apparently concluded.

    Reporter Harry Bernstein did some digging.

    His story described the vast profits being made by smugglers of aliens. He also claimed that there were between 200,000 and 300,000 undocumented Mexican workers, ••• commonly known as ‘Wetbacks …  living in Los Angeles, “with far more coming in each day than are being caught and returned … Bernstein continued, “Even sympathetic Mexican Americans complain that the wetbacks are taking jobs from U.S. workers. Authorities estimate that up to $5 billion a year is earned by the illegal aliens, with $1. 5 of that going back to Mexico.”

    Today’s sloppy reporting and slap-dash-wording have long roots.

    Bernstein’s numbers are unattributed, making them just his assertion.

  • Approximately 27.3% of all agricultural workers in the U.S. were undocumented in 2019.

    For crop production specifically, 36.4% of workers were undocumented in 2019.

    In some states, the percentages are even higher. For example, in California, 40.9% of agricultural workers were undocumented in 2019.

    1. Economic Output:
    • Undocumented agricultural workers are vital to the U.S. agricultural sector, which contributed $1.055 trillion to the U.S. GDP in 2020, with $134.7 billion coming just from farms2.
    • The agriculture, fishing, and forestry industries contributed more than $175 billion to U.S. GDP in 2020.
    1. Tax Contributions:
    • Undocumented immigrants, including those in agriculture, pay billions of dollars in taxes annually.
    • In 2010, households headed by unauthorized immigrants paid $10.6 billion in state and local taxes, including $1.2 billion in personal income taxes, $1.2 billion in property taxes, and more than $8 billion in sales and excise taxes.
    1. Labor Market Impact:
    • Undocumented workers, including those in agriculture, often fill jobs that are difficult to staff with domestic workers
    • Their presence helps maintain the viability of U.S. farms and agricultural operations, which might otherwise struggle to find sufficient labor.
    1. Consumer Spending:
    • After taxes, undocumented immigrants (including those in agriculture) have significant spending power that goes back into local economies for housing, consumer goods, and services.
    1. Social Security and Medicare Contributions:
    • While not specific to agricultural workers, undocumented immigrants from Mexico alone contributed $11.7 billion to Social Security and $2.8 billion to the Medicare Trust Fund in 2019

  • Up Close and Personal With The LAPD

    The police officers banged on the front door of my Pacoima home and shouted for me and my friends to come out. Two of my school chums and I cowered in a bathroom, afraid to face the cops. We were 13-year-old seventh graders in the autumn of 1962.

    My big brother David apologetically told us we must comply with the officer’s demand. My parents were out. David was alone with us, explaining that nothing was to be done to avoid our fate.

    We soon walked out the front door, and the officers forcefully grabbed us and snapped on handcuffs. I don’t remember if the cops Mirandized us, but there was no question we were jail-bound.

    The cops yelled at us in an apparent rage. Again, I don’t recall what they said. As we were being led to the squad car, David approached and said it did not seem right that I was being arrested without Mom and Dad’s knowledge. One of the cops put his hand on his sidearm and ordered David to back up.

    How did we end up in this fix? What crime did we commit? 

    Here’s the story of how I became a baby criminal.

    About an hour before our arrest, we were atop a large, undeveloped hill behind the family home. Bored, my friends and I began a rock-throwing contest. The winner would be whoever heaved the rock the furthest.

    Our mistake was throwing the stones over and across busy Foothill Boulevard, about 100 feet below where we stood. We ensured no vehicles were on the road when the rocks were tossed.

    Using binoculars, Buster, my close friend, spotted two officers crouched and creeping toward us, much like soldiers in combat would do. They looked to be around 50 yards from us.

    In a split second, we bolted. As we sprinted, I suggested we hide in my house. I excitedly told David what had happened. Peering through the bathroom window, I saw our winded pursuers arrive at the bottom of the hill.

    A neighbor watering his front yard chatting with officers, pointed to my house.   

    I knew we were done for, although we had broken no law save one. We ran from the cops. In rough, dangerous neighborhoods like ours, police had an unwritten law: never run from us, no matter what.

    We barrio and ghetto kids had our own rule: if officers aggressively approach, don’t let them catch you. Nothing good would result if you were nabbed.

    In our case, we later told the officers we had raced away just in case we had unknowingly violated some obscure law.

    We immediately asked why we were being busted. The cops falsely accused us of throwing rocks at vehicles transiting Foothill Boulevard. Naturally, we vociferously denied the allegation, adding that we did not throw stones when vehicles were passing or near. 

    On our way to the police station, one of the cops launched into an obscene diatribe. David, he said, was lucky not to have been shot because of his threatening manner.

    I was frightened and incredulous at what was happening. Did the cop really mean he would have shot David?

    We were fingerprinted at the Foothill Division station, mug shots were taken and then grilled separately. By now, I was thoroughly shaken and afraid of what might follow.

    A typically tall LAPD officer, Officer Moody rejected what I told him as a lie. After cursing me, he alleged we had broken a man’s windshield.

    Il-advisedly, I became angry and challenged him to present this fictional victim. 

    With that, Moody shoved me hard against a wall. There was no question I would not antagonize this guy further. I was about five feet tall and probably weighed no more than 75 pounds. Moody: what an evil, dangerous coward, I thought.

    All we could tell the officers was the truth. There were no lies to concoct.

    We were locked in a holding cell, and passing cops taunted us with vulgar insults. Among ourselves, we worriedly speculated that the worst was yet to come. I faintly hoped that this mistaken arrest would be seen as such and we would be freed.

    A few hours after our arrest, Dad arrived, burning with fury. He was incensed that cops had snatched me up without his or Mom’s knowledge. On the short drive home, he cursed the cops in Spanish. My father had some criminal experience and countless run-ins with cops. Dad never claimed to have been innocent of charges but detested police for their mistreatment of him.

    Jail Bird became my nickname in middle school. My pals and I were called that good-naturedly. Some classmates wanted to know what getting busted was like. To my dismay, I learned that fellow seventh-grader Doug Moody was Officer Moody’s son.

    My fellow suspects and I were summoned to an informal proceeding, a sort of kangaroo court. The judge declared us guilty of malicious mischief without hearing from us and only issued a warning. Officially, we were guilty.

    I look back on the incident with some resentment, but I mainly view it as a crucial real-world lesson in what law enforcement could mean for Mexicans like me. I can’t say the unjust arrest and maltreatment traumatized me. But it was a lot for a young kid to take in.

  • An 18-year-old Mexican American was yearning to fight in Vietnam, and so in the summer of 1968, he was set to enlist in the United States Army. At the last minute, he chose a different path, and 13 years later, Ricardo Chavira became a Time magazine foreign correspondent.  Chavira’s incredible journey is chronicled in his autobiography

    In 1984, reporting his first major story for the magazine, Chavira found himself in northern Nicaragua, embedded with a group of Contra rebels. The situation took a perilous turn as a larger Sandinista patrol closed in, pushing Chavira to the brink after a grueling fifteen-hour forced march.

     Six days deep into his foray with the rebels, exhausted, his feet mired in painful blisters, he decided to surrender to the troops hot in pursuit. Suddenly, he realized the Sandinistas would kill him if he abandoned the rebels. In his own words, he became “the quarry in a brutal war.”

    A Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, Chavira recounts his tumultuous upbringing in Pacoima, California, a marginalized community plagued by gang violence and inadequate education. Remarkably, he defied the odds, avoiding gangs, evading serious crimes, escaping the Vietnam War draft, and earning undergraduate and graduate degrees. Journalism became his passion, offering an avenue to shed light on the lives of Latinos overlooked or misrepresented by mainstream American media.

    Chavira stood out as one of the few Latinos in prestigious American newsrooms. He covered natural disasters, including the devastating 1985 Mexico City earthquake, and interviewed prominent figures like Mexican presidents Carlos Salinas de Gortari, Vicente Fox, and Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega. Interweaving his journalistic exploits with his family’s American history, Chavira delves into his dual Mexican and American identities and how they shaped his ability to navigate and report stories worldwide.

    Here’s my book’s intro

    One day in 1870, a teenaged orphan saddled a mare and left San Francisco Javier de Satevó in southern Chihuahua. He traveled northeast across 225 miles of desert to Fort Davis, Texas.

    Jesús Chavira, my great-grandfather, unimpeded by American officials or anyone else, crossed the bor- der in search of economic survival. He found work as a stable boy at the Fort Davis US cavalry post. In time, Jesús would marry Estefana Molina and have eight children, all just outside of Shafter, Texas. José, my paternal grandfather, was the eldest.

    He was born in 1896. Jesús and his family put down roots that would spread across Texas and California as he and Estefana’s off- spring had children and grandchildren of their own. This book tells their story and my own as a third-generation American. I have contended with the same inequality, poverty, and withering racism my ancestors did. Mexicans of my generation typically took the path of acculturation, adapting to mainstream America’s ways. Some distanced themselves from Mexican culture, failed to learn Spanish, and viewed Mexico as a foreign land rather than their ancestral homeland. In Mexico, they were derisively called pochos because many of them spoke little or no Spanish and had been cut off in their education from Mexican culture. They were proud Americans, yet they were conscious of the fact that they were of Mexican origin. I was considered a pocho during much of my childhood. In the following pages, I recount how my journalism career has helped me understand who I am and where I came from. In fact, my cultural hybridity allowed me to flourish as a journalist, as I told the stories of the United States and Latin America from a profound and rare perspective.

    My story is a tale of reconnection with Mexican culture and retaining my American identity. I became fully bi-cultural and bilingual, but over time, I became more at home in Mexico than in my native country. I identify as American in the broadest and most authentic sense: America is a hemisphere, not just the United States. My odyssey led me to all parts of my native land, nearly all of Latin America, and other regions. This book took me many years to write because I was reticent to talk about myself. It struck me as presumptuous to assume that anyone would find my life interesting.

    One day in 1870, a teenaged orphan saddled a mare and left San Francisco Javier de Satevó in southern Chihuahua. He traveled northeast across 225 miles of desert to Fort Davis, Texas. Jesús Chavira, my great-grandfather, unimpeded by American officials or anyone else, crossed the bor- der in search of economic survival.

    He found employment as a stable boy at the Fort Davis US cavalry post. Over time, Jesús married Estefana Molina and they were blessed with eight children, all born just outside of Shafter, Texas. José, my paternal grandfather, was the eldest, born in 1896. Jesús and his family established strong connections that would extend across Texas and California as he and Estefana’s descendants had children and grandchildren of their own.

    This book tells their story and my own as a third-generation American. I have contended with the same inequality, poverty, and withering racism my ancestors did. Mexicans of my generation typically took the path of acculturation, adapting to mainstream America’s ways. Some distanced themselves from Mexican culture, failed to learn Spanish, and viewed Mexico as a foreign land rather than their ancestral homeland.

    In Mexico, they were derisively called pochos because many of them spoke little or no Spanish and had been cut off in their education from Mexican culture. They were proud Americans, yet they were conscious of the fact that they were of Mexican origin.

    I was considered a pocho during much of my childhood. In the following pages, I recount how my journalism career has helped me understand who I am and where I came from. In fact, my cultural hybridity allowed me to flourish as a journalist, as I told the stories of the United States and Latin America from a profound and rare perspective.

    My story is a tale of reconnection with Mexican culture and retaining my American identity. I became fully bi-cultural and bilingual, but over time, I became more at home in Mexico than in my native country.

    I identify as American in the broadest and most authentic sense: America is a hemisphere, not just the United States. My odyssey led me to all parts of my native land, nearly all of Latin America, and other regions. This book took me many years to write because I was reticent to talk about myself. It struck me as presumptuous to assume that anyone would find my life interesting. My wife Yoleinis, son Ricardo Jr., and daughter Marlena Medford Chavira ultimately convinced me I had a story worth sharing. So, here it is.

    amazon.com/We-Were-Always-Here-Americans/dp/1558859136

  • Today, I searched for the border crisis.

    Just as countless politicians have done, I traveled to where Mexico and the United States meet. This was at least my 500th time spending at the border.

    I saw hundreds of pedestrians, some walking north, others south. U.S. and Mexican officials looked on, as usual appearing bored or engaged in chit chat.

    But the crisis was elusive. It hid from me, just as it always does.

  • Less than 12 hours ago, my family and I crossed the border at Nogales, Arizona. It was a grueling experience, because just two traffic lanes were open. As usual, many United States Customs and Border Enforcement officers were standing around, leisurely chatting among themselves. If there is a border crisis, why weren’t they working?

    The incident brought to mind the stereotypical notion that Mexican immigrants are troublesome people who “steal” jobs and commit crimes. My grandfather, Juan Parra, who moved from Chihuahua and settled in Los Angeles in the early 1930s, offered a solid rebuttal to this stereotype.

    Juan moved to Los Angeles right after divorcing my grandmother. Here is an excerpt from my book that recounts some of Juan’s story.

    The Great Depression hit along with the divorce, and Juan was fired from his job. At that point, he moved to Los Angeles. He had brothers there, and he just wanted a fresh start. Jobs were scarce, but Juan found work as a dishwasher at a fancy hotel. He told my mother he was pretty poor and ate lots of potatoes and oatmeal. They filled him up and were cheap.

    Before long, he was promoted to the food preparation crew and eventually head chef. He did well in his new position and bought a house in South Central LA. Even then, it was primarily an African American section of the city. Bit by bit, Juan set-up a modest variety store in his house. He sold canned goods, thread, and miscellaneous items.

    Eventually, he opened a neighborhood store on Hooper Street. By the early 1950s, Juan had established a large market on Main Street at the corner of Clover Street, about two miles from downtown. He named it “Toma y Daca,” Spanish for give-and-take.

    My grandfather Juan was in his third marriage when I first met him. As a six-year-old, I would ride my bike to Juan’s store on some Sunday mornings after Mass. The promise of a dollar and a bowl of menudo—spicy tripe and hominy soup—lured me there.

    For the dollar, Juan had me do a few minor chores, such as dust canned goods with a feather duster, sweep up sawdust from the floor of his walk-in meat locker, spread fresh sawdust, and handle the sale of penny candies to eager kids. I was fascinated by how this modest capitalist venture worked. My grandfather explained that he bought wholesale, which allowed him to sell goods at a profit. He extended credit to some of his customers, a practice that struck me as novel and generous. One day, my grandfather asked me if I would like to work with him once I had grown up; I eagerly accepted what I took to be a job offer. Lung cancer took Grandpa Juan in 1959. He was just 62.